Monthly Archives: June 2014

Bodies of three Israeli teenagers ‘found near Hebron’

“Israeli officials have convened an emergency security cabinet meeting, as Israeli troops set up roadblocks around Hebron. There have also been clashes with Palestinian protesters in the area.

Israeli media reported that the bodies of the three teenagers have been found.

Since their kidnapping, Israel has arrested more than 400 people, most apparently members of Hamas, and six Palestinians have been killed in clashes.

The teenagers – Gilad Shaar, Eyal Yifrach and Naftali Frenkel – disappeared two weeks ago after lessons at their religious studies institute near an Israeli settlement in the West Bank.
Hamas blamed

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu publicly blamed Hamas for their disappearance (see video), but the group has denied the allegation.

Their kidnap resulted in thousands of Israeli soldiers and police scouring the West Bank and making scores of arrests, including that of Palestinian parliament speaker Aziz Dweik, a member of Hamas.

Israeli forces mounted, and have since sharply scaled back, a sweep through Palestinian towns and villages, mainly in and around the southern West Bank city of Hebron. Dozens of Hamas members have been detained.

Since the start of the Israeli operation, some 40 rockets have been fired into Israel from the Gaza Strip, the military said.
Palestinian pact

Mr Netanyahu has urged Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to abandon a reconciliation pact he sealed with Hamas in April, a deal that led to the creation on 2 June of a Palestinian unity government of technocrats.

Hamas has called for Israel’s destruction, although various officials have at times indicated a willingness to negotiate a long-term ceasefire.

After the disappearance, US Secretary of State John Kerry condemned what had happened, saying: “We are still seeking details on the parties responsible for this despicable terrorist act, although many indications point to Hamas’s involvement.”


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Joy Wolfe MBE:Just Another Odious Zionist Propagandist!

Joy Wolfe MBE:Just Another Odious Zionist Propagandist!

Joy Wolfe Proving herself to be another hasbarist apologist for Zionist crimes


June 25, 2014 · 1:40 pm

Christians for Zion. Heresy. Lies.

Is Mike Fryer Teaching Heresy Through The Hidden Treasure Course?


In part seven of the Hidden Treasure course on youtube titled ‘Israel And The End Times’ Mike Fryer makes the following claim.


A new covenant for the house of Israel and that is what is going to happen. God is going to bring about a new covenant with the house of Israel and he’s going to put the laws that he gave them long ago in their hearts and that is the new covenant.


He quotes Hebrews Ch 8 Vs 8-10 for that claim but he conceals from his listener that the chapter and verse he uses is actually a quotation from Jeremiah 31 Vs 31-33


The days are coming,” declares the Lord,
“when I will make a new covenant
with the people of Israel
and with the people of Judah.
32 It will not be like the covenant
I made with their ancestors
when I took them by the hand
to lead them out of Egypt,
because they broke my covenant,
though I was a husband to[d] them,[e]”
declares the Lord.
33 “This is the covenant I will make with the people of
after that time,” declares the Lord.
“I will put my law in their minds
and write it on their hearts.
I will be their God,
and they will be my people.


That event took place through Jesus and the spilling of his blood on the cross and it was a once for all time event. The new covenant has been made…there is no other.


Mike then goes on to tell his listeners,


There will be a punishment if  the nations refuse to go to Jerusalem and celebrate the feast of Tabernacles


How can this be?. How could everyone possibly go to Jerusalem to celebrate this feast? What about the poor who can’t afford to go to Jerusalem…Will God punish them for being poor?. Let’s look to Jesus for the answer. In John Ch 4 he is talking with a Samaritan women and he proclaims in Vs 21-24.


Woman,” Jesus replied, “believe me, a time is coming when you will worship the Father neither on this mountain nor in Jerusalem. 22 You Samaritans worship what you do not know; we worship what we do know, for salvation is from the Jews. 23 Yet a time is coming and has now come when the true worshipers will worship the Father in the Spirit and in truth, for they are the kind of worshipers the Father seeks. 24 God is spirit, and his worshipers must worship in the Spirit and in truth.


So there we have it true worshippers don’t need to go anywhere to worship the Lord our God. So why is Mike Fryer teaching this nonsense?


I’m pretty sure there is more heresy in the other 6 videos of the Hidden Treasure course and i was going to watch them. So i clicked on part one ‘The Land of Israel’ and to my amazement and disgust i found that Mike Fryer was recommending Alan Dershowitz’ book ‘the case for Israel’ as a study book. For those of you who dont know the Dershowitz book relies heavily on another now debunked book called ‘From Time Immemorial’ by Joan Peters. This book has been proven to be a fraud by scholars and it is a book that Dershowitz ‘borrows’ heavily from. Here’s an abridged video of a debate between Dershowitz and Norman Finkelstein in which Finklestein shows up Dershowitz and his book.



Why would a Christian recommend this man or his book to fellow Christians?


And here’s a video of Noam Chomsky discussing Finklestein and Dershowitz in which he expains Dershowitz’ M.O whenever he gets caught out.



Why Lie?


Next week Fathers House Sabbath Congregation in North Wales will welcome and host a family from Kfar Aza near Sderot in Southern Israel. This family are representatives of a community of Jews who have lived in this area since the creation of the state of Israel in 1948.

Jews from all over Europe made their future in areas of Israel which prior to the Holocaust no one at all, even Arabs wanted to live. These Jewish refugees who had suffered from the horrors and atrocities of anti-Semitism in Europe during the 1930’s and 40’s built communities in the hope of living in Israel in safety and peace. Those who moved to the Negev region worked hard to establish Industries which not only supported the Jewish community but also the Arab community based in Gaza.


Actually there were Arabs living in the area until they were ethnically cleansed by the Zionists. In this case the ethnically cleansed village was called Najd and the arabs living there owned the land where Sderot now stands.



derot was settled by Jews in 1951. According to Walid Khalidi in All That Remains, it along with the settlement of Or ha-Ner, founded in 1957, were established on the village lands of Najd, which means “elevated plain” in Arabic.*

Najd’s Palestinian villagers, approximately 620 in 1945, were expelled on 13 May 1948, before Israel was declared a state and before any Arab armies entered Palestine. According to UN Resolution 194 and also the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 13, Section 2, the villagers of Najd have a right to return home to their personal property and to their native village.

Today, according to Khalidi, “some old trees grow” on the site of the village. It is “overgrown with cactuses and Christ’s thorn and sycamore trees and contans the crumbled walls of unidentified buildings….”

There were 82 houses in Najd. Children went to school in Simsim, two kilometers away. According to Palestine Remembered the village has been completely “defaced.”

In 1596 Najd’s population was 215.

In 1838, Edward Robinson, an American biblical scholar “observed the villagers winnowing barley by throwing it into the air against the wind with wooden forks” [Robinson (1841) III: 260 as quoted in Khalidi 128].

Najd’s villagers were mainly farmers and engaged in animal husbandry. “Fields of grain and fruit trees surrounded Najd on all sides.”

Najd is fourteen kilometers from Gaza. Palestinian Arabs own 12,669 dunums in Najd although Israel refuses to honor their rights to their personal property, and refuses them their inalienable right to return home. In 1945 Jews owned 495 dunums of land in Najd and public lands consisted of 412 dunums.

Najd is one of 418 ethnically cleansed villages by Zionist Jews that Dr. Khalidi includes in his seminal work. Khalidi dedicates his book:


Why would a ‘Christian’ tell such an obvious and easily checked lie? Btw there was other villages in that area where Fryer claims “Arabs didn’t want to live” and probably one of the more well known was a village called ‘Huj’ which if you do your own research on you will find this was, even by Zionist standards, one of the most despicable cases of Ethnic Cleansing’


Chris Proudlove:If He Didn’t Exist You Could Never Make Him Up.


CHILLING comments have been expressed by European Coalition for Israel founder Tomas Sandell following the outcome of last month’s European Union elections.


Among these ‘Chilling comments’ was this.


“Behind the new far right parties, one can find a mix of anti-immigration , anti-EU and anti-austerity agendas”


Strange that he should use the term ‘Chilling’ when in fact the CfZ website openly supported a right wing party in the Uk called Ukip


There are so many Politicians who are opposed to Israel but despite this t the two main Political parties Conservative and Labour both have Israel supporting members who have formed themselves into official groups. Although David Cameron was the first Prime minister for many years who stood down as Patron for the Jewish National Fund.
I have just learned that UKIP also have an Israel supporting group called friends of Israel in UKIP. That is not surprising to me however as the UKIP candidate for my own local council elections four years ago sent me an e-mail showing support for Israel. To learn more about this orgonisation and about what is going on in the Political Arena go to…”


In that blog Chris made the following comment,


I was at a Prayer for Israel group yesterday when I learned that four dozen or so Conservative MPs had a meeting with Foreign Secretary William Hague to press for better UK support of Israel. Apparantly, Hague gave them short shrift and lost his temper with them. I am a floating voter and voted Tory for the first time in many years on the strength of David Cameron saying he was a Zionist. I feel badly let down. I should have stuck with UKIP. We must all try to get our MPs and the media to see what is really happening regarding Israel and the Arabs.


When i asked Chris about this he told me,


I want Britain to be a sovereign nation not part of a federated Europe. Their are many traditional Labour voters who hold to this view. Remember Peter Shore?
The European Union is going beyond the free trade area. I don’t want our country to be part of a political union. We should speak for ourselves.



So ‘Chillingly’ Chris is ‘Anti Eu’ How nice of him to admit this….















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‘Use of live ammunition confirmed in Nawarah shooting’

“After undertaking an autopsy of the body of Nadim Nawarah, 17, on Wednesday, forensic pathologists have determined that a live bullet was the cause of his death. The Palestinian teenager was killed by Israeli forces on May 15 during clashes in the West Bank town of Beitunia.

The autopsy, which was undertaken at Al-Quds University’s Institute of Forensic Medicine in Abu Dis, revealed the entry and exit wounds caused by the bullet, as well as recovering metallic fragments, which are presumed to be lead from the bullet’s core.

Chief Palestinian pathologist, Dr. Saber al-Aalul, conducted the autopsy in the presence of two Israeli forensic pathologists, Dr. Chen Kugel and Dr. Ricardo Nachman, from the National Institute of Forensic Medicine in Abu Kabir, and two international forensic pathologists from the U.S. and Denmark.

At the request of the Nawarah family, Al Haq, Defense for Children International-Palestine, Physicians for Human Rights, and B’Tselem coordinated the attendance of the international forensic pathologists.

Responding to the conclusions of the autopsy, the four non-government organizations stated: “These findings underline the urgency of our demand that the criminal investigation into the Beitunia killings be conducted efficiently and concluded promptly. Rather than attempting to discredit those who called for an investigation, the Israeli military should now focus on uncovering the truth about the shootings, and holding those responsible to account.”

Nawarah’s body was exhumed for the autopsy with his family’s consent. The family also provided the Palestinian prosecutor’s office with the bullet recovered from Nawarah’s backpack, which he was wearing at the time of his death.

Israeli forces have consistently denied that live ammunition was employed during the incident, maintaining that only rubber-coated metal bullets and tear gas canisters were used. The autopsy findings, however, rule out a rubber bullet injury as the cause of death. The full autopsy report will include an assessment of the bullet’s trajectory.

The family of Muhammad Salameh (Abu Daher), 16, the second victim killed during the clashes on May 15, declined an autopsy. Field research and medical evidence, however, strongly suggest that he too was shot with live ammunition”.

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‘Children blindfolded, beaten at hands of the PA’

“Ahmad was 15 when he was arrested during a 3 am raid by Palestinian security forces at El Far’a refugee camp in September 2013. He was accused of throwing stones, burning tires and insulting members of the Palestinian security service, and was dragged from his house blindfolded and with his hands bound by a plastic cord.

As he was placed into a waiting jeep, one of the men arresting him lit a lighter under his wrists to remove the cord. “I was screaming in pain. But he just kept doing it,” said Ahmad, recounting his ordeal to Defense for Children International-Palestine (DCI-Palestine), a children’s rights organization based in the West Bank.

Ahmad was taken to the Palestinian Authority (PA) military intelligence headquarters in Tubas in the northeast of the West Bank, a place described by one resident of El Far’a camp as “a nightmare for the civilians who go there.”

After being detained overnight he was transferred to a police station where he was interrogated by three police officers – a policewoman asking questions while two other officers sat next to him, kicking and hitting him repeatedly.

“Whenever I said I didn’t do the things they were accusing me of, one of them would hit me,” Ahmad said. “I didn’t know which one it would it be, and sometimes they asked questions one after the other.”

The interrogator repeatedly threatened him with further beatings if he did not confess to the charges.


Outdated law


The types of violations recounted by Ahmad are normally associated with arrest at the hands of the Israeli military, which enforces military law throughout the occupied West Bank. In this case, however, it was the PA that was responsible for his ill-treatment.

The legal systems covering the three areas of the West Bank vary. In Area A, home to most West Bank cities, the PA has jurisdiction. Legal control over Area B is shared jointly by the PA and the Israeli military, and Area C, comprising 60 percent of the West Bank, falls under Israeli control.

Children from Areas A and B who end up in PA custody report threats, beatings and neglect by forces during arrest and detention, according to affidavits collected by DCI-Palestine.

This is due in part to the fact that those areas of the West Bank administered by the PA rely on a Jordanian legal system dating from 1954 to provide the legal framework for dealing with children. The Palestinian Deputy Attorney General, Ahmad Barak, says that the current law, which has no explicit component on juvenile justice, is outdated.

“It is from the 1950s, before the international system safeguarding children’s rights was really in place,” he says. “The current system deals with a child as the perpetrator, not as a victim. It also focuses on punishment and not on rehabilitation. There is a philosophy behind this that doesn’t respect the human rights of the child.”


Not a unique story


Ahmad’s story is by no means unique. According to figures from the Palestinian police force, PA security forces arrested 2,455 children in 2013, the majority of whom were boys. Like Ahmad, several were subjected to violence from police and security officers.

Mohammad was 14 when he was arrested by PA forces in September 2013. He had run away from his house following an argument with his father, and shouted at PA forces stationed nearby. During his arrest and detention Mohammad faced similar treatment to that of Ahmad.

Mohammad was detained for 17 days in three different police stations, both alone and with other teenagers. He was subjected to beatings and abuse throughout his ordeal, and was frequently denied food, sleep and access to a bathroom.

Khaled al-Sabateen, chief of staff to the PA police force’s general director, admitted that violations have been known to take place: “We still receive some complaints from cases of children in conflict with the law whose rights have been violated,” he said, “but we take all the necessary precautions to prevent these violations occurring.”


Limited social care


Like many others, Mohammad was detained in a police station rather than a juvenile center, owing to the lack of facilities for children in the West Bank. The majority of children arrested in 2013 were held in separate cells within adult prisons, or in the cells of police stations.

Salim Qawareeq is director of the Social Protection Department at the Palestinian Ministry of Social Affairs, which funds and manages the West Bank’s two rehabilitation centers for juveniles: the Dar Al-Amal Rehabilitation Center for Boys and the Girls Care House.

“If you were to take a snapshot of the police stations in every governorate at any given time there would be around 25 children in them,” he says.

According to numbers provided by the Social Protection Department, just 300 boys were taken to the Dar Al-Amal Rehabilitation Center for Boys in Ramallah. The few girls who are in conflict with the law in the West Bank are sent to the Girls Care House, which due to a lack of resources also shelters girls who are in need of protection as a result of abuse and neglect in the family home.

Qawareeq admits that some practices are not in line with international standards, citing as an example the lack of separation between children who have committed crimes and those seeking protection.

“We don’t have the capacity to separate the two groups of girls. It is against the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child not to separate them – even at Dar Al-Amal there should be separation between children facing trials and those sentenced – but we don’t have the capacity,” Qawareeq says.
The Dar Al-Amal Rehabilitation Center for Boys in Ramallah is run-down, but has an atmosphere of calm. The center, which holds an average of 7 to 25 boys from aged 13 upward, is equipped with computer facilities, a small outside recreation area and an arts room. The boys, most of whom are accused of theft, have friendly relationships with one another and with the center’s staff, and can receive visits from family members throughout the day. Very few children arrested by the PA, however, end up here: most are held in police stations or in adult prisons”.


Draft law


In 2010, after a combined effort from Palestinian ministries and human rights organizations, movement toward a specialized judicial system for children began. It resulted in the 2012 Draft Law on Juvenile Justice.

The draft law addresses preventive measures and programs, and creates a domestic juvenile court. It also focuses on alternatives that do not include time behind bars.

A further aspect of the draft law is reiterated by al-Sabateen, who says, “our guiding principle within the Juvenile Police Department is to perceive children in conflict with the law as victims of circumstance, and provide as much protection and privacy to them as possible.”

But while the draft law has the potential to remedy many of the failings of the current legislation, progress has been slow over the past 18 months, with the paperwork shifted between the President and the PA Cabinet as it awaits amendments and signatures.

Mahmoud Abbas has in the meantime signed 15 international treaties in 2014, including the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the Optional Protocol to the CRC on the involvement of children in armed conflict. In signing the CRC and the Optional Protocol, a state accepts an obligation to respect, protect, promote and fulfill the enumerated rights – including by adopting or changing laws and policies in their own national legislation.

Rifat Kassis, executive director of DCI-Palestine, emphasizes the importance of seeing these international commitments implemented at a national level, saying, “Without national laws reflecting international standards, the reality for children in the juvenile justice system will not change.”


Ordeal continues


eanwhile for Ahmad, the future remains uncertain.

After being detained for 15 days, paying 300 Jordanian dinars ($423) in bail costs and signing a confession that he was not allowed to read, he is still awaiting a final decision from the court. According to one of his lawyers, he could be sentenced to 90 days in prison.

“I am worried that if this is true my school year will suffer,” Ahmad says, “and I will have to go through more bad treatment.”

Until the PA legal system respects the rights of the child, Ahmad’s experience will remain a reality for many more Palestinian children in the West Bank.

*Jessica Purkiss is a freelance contributor to Defense for Children International Palestine”.



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‘Israel in the West Bank: A 47-year-long temporary occupation’

“At times the occupation seems to be a thing of the past. Women in labor detained at checkpoints for so long that they end up giving birth there are no longer a common occurrence; there are fewer incidents of killings, violence and destruction. Israel is no longer involved in determining the scholastic curricula for Palestinian schoolchildren and Israeli troops are no longer permanently stationed in the streets and alleys of the city of Nablus. Instead, we hear reports of Palestinians building a new city in the West Bank and about Israel and the Palestinian Authority cooperating on security-related issues.

Nevertheless, after nearly half a century, the occupation is still going strong. A third, and even fourth, generation of Palestinians and Israelis has been born into this reality, and they know no other. The Oslo Accords, signed over two decades ago, brought about the establishment of the Palestinian Authority and with it the illusion that Israel’s impact on the lives of Palestinians would henceforth be no more than negligible. Yet, to this day, Israel is the most dominant factor influencing the daily lives of all residents of the West Bank.


Settlements: The heart of the matter


Israeli settlements are currently the major factor influencing the reality of life in the West Bank: over 300,000 Israeli citizens live in more than 200 settlements and settlement outposts throughout the West Bank, all established in contravention of international humanitarian law, some even in contravention of Israeli law.

Tens of thousands of hectares of land, including pastureland and farmland, have been seized from Palestinians for the express purpose of building settlements. A significant portion of these lands has been declared state land, based on a dubious interpretation of the law; other areas have been usurped from Palestinians by force and strong-arm tactics and by actual construction that would make the settlement seem a fait accompli. In addition, settlements have been granted generous allocations of land, far exceeding their built-up areas. All lands allocated to settlements – built-up area and environs – have been designated closed military zones which Palestinians may not enter without a permit.

The impact the settlements have on Palestinians’ human rights is above and beyond the land seized for the actual settlements: additional lands were confiscated from Palestinians to build hundreds of kilometers of bypass roads for the settlers; checkpoints and other measures that restrict only Palestinian movement were set up based on the placement of settlements; much Palestinian farmland – both in and outside the settlements – has become effectively off-limits to its Palestinian owners; and the tortuous, meandering route of the Separation Barrier in the West Bank was planned primarily to keep as many settlements and large areas designated by Israel for their expansion west of the barrier, on its “Israeli side”. The current route of the barrier leads to severe violations of the rights of Palestinians living in its vicinity, some of whom have ended up trapped in enclaves. The barrier disrupts their lives, limiting their access to farmland, essential services and to friends and relatives who have remained on the other side. It also precludes any possibility for development in these areas.

The presence of Israeli citizens in the West Bank and the settlements and outposts scattered throughout it are the main reason for the massive presence of Israeli security forces there. Israel devotes a great deal of resources to ensure that Palestinians not violate the military orders designed to keep them away from settlements and to keeping Palestinians from attacking settlers or settlements – attacks that are both immoral and unlawful, the fact that the settlements are a breach of international humanitarian law notwithstanding . The presence of security forces results in daily friction between Israeli troops and Palestinian residents. This, in turn, leads to human rights violations by security forces, including acts of violence and illegal gunfire.

Although the West Bank is not part of Israel’s sovereign territory, Israel has applied the lion’s share of its legal system to settlements and settlers. As a result, settlers benefit from all the rights granted to citizens of a democratic country, as do the rest of Israel’s citizens who live within the boundaries of the Green Line, the 1949 Armistice Line.


The Oslo Accords: An illusion of autonomy


Contrary to their express purpose, the Oslo Accords have actually enabled Israel to cement its control over the entire West Bank, use it for its own purposes and influence significant aspects of the daily lives of its Palestinian residents.

How? Control of the West Bank was to be split for an interim period, planned to last five years until a permanent agreement was signed: about 40% of the West Bank were defined as Areas A and B and handed over to the Palestinian Authority for its full or partial control. This land was mostly built-up Palestinian areas and already home to the vast majority of the Palestinian population. Israel retained full control of the remaining 60% of the West Bank, Area C, which included all settlement areas.

Israel treats Area C as if its sole purpose is to serve its needs alone, completely ignoring the temporary nature of the agreement. Israel has used this territory to expand the settlements, and their population has more than tripled since the Accords were signed. At the same time, it does not consider itself obligated in any way to the estimated 200,000-300,000 Palestinians living in this area. Citing a variety of grounds, Israel denies virtually all construction and development by Palestinians in Area C. Israel has declared vast areas in the West Bank military zones and state land, where building is prohibited. In the few remaining areas, the Civil Administration refrains from drafting master plans that reflect the needs of the population. When, having no other option, Palestinians build without permits, the Civil Administration threatens to demolish the homes, and in some cases, delivers on this threat.

One of this policy’s objectives is to drive Palestinians out of Area C, at least in part to facilitate its future annexation to Israel. The policy takes on a particularly violent slant in the way Israel treats dozens of semi-nomadic communities scattered throughout Area C, expelling or attempting to expel residents of these communities from their homes and local setting.

Areas A and B, the lands handed over to the Palestinian Authority, are not contiguous; they are made up of nearly 170 “islands” surrounded by land designated Area C. Consequently, although the vast majority of the Palestinian residents of the West Bank live in Areas A and B, all the land reserves required for developing their communities remain in Area C, including many lands that were once within the municipal jurisdiction of these communities, some of them privately owned. Any use of these lands for expanding communities in Areas A and B or for building industrial plants, laying down water pipes or roads, is subject to Israeli approval, which is, for the most part, withheld.

Israel also continues to exercise individual control over each and every resident of the West Bank, despite their ostensible status as subject to the Palestinian Authority. In order for Palestinians to get from one city to another or from one area to another, they must pass through areas that are under full Israeli control, meaning that they must come into contact with Israeli security forces. These forces often make incursions into Areas A and B, mostly in coordination and cooperation with the Palestinian Authority. Israel also continues to control the population registry and to decide who is considered a resident of the West Bank. It has also retained the military legal system in the West Bank, trying thousands of Palestinians – including residents of Areas A and B – in military courts each year. In addition, no Palestinian resident of the West Bank may travel abroad without Israeli approval nor may foreign nationals enter the West Bank without Israeli permission. The Israeli authorities are authorized to arrest and deport them, even if they are in Areas A and B.


“Provisional military occupation”?


Israel gained control over the West Bank by military force in an armed conflict. The West Bank’s permanent status remains undetermined to this day, and it is subject to Israeli military rule – termed “occupation”.

Despite the political and emotional connotations of the word “occupation”, it is first and foremost a legal term that describes the status of a territory that was seized by a state during an armed conflict and is not a part of its own sovereign territory. At present, there is hardly any dispute among international legal scholars, Israel’s Supreme Court justices and top military officials that Israel’s obligations and powers in the West Bank are determined by the law of occupation. Since international law prohibits the annexation of a territory by force, according to this law, the occupying state does not gain sovereignty over the occupied territory and its control there is meant to be temporary, pending a diplomatic agreement that determines the status of the territory.

However, Israel’s actions on the ground indicate that it does not see the occupation as temporary. It apparently considers the West Bank, and particularly Area C, as its own, a part of its sovereign territory: seizing lands, using natural resources for itself and establishing permanent settlements. At the same time, Israel evades the obligations it has under the law of occupation toward Palestinian residents of the West Bank, who are permitted to build on only about 40% of its territory, including the obligation to safeguard them, uphold their right to property and allow them to exercise their rights to housing, welfare and livelihood.

Over the years, Israel has gradually created two separate regimes in the West Bank, dependent on national identity: one for settlers and the other for Palestinians. The settlers enjoy all the rights granted to citizens of a democratic country. In contrast, Palestinians live under a harsh military rule which primarily serves the interests of Israel and the settlers. Palestinians are subject to military orders that restrict them and impinge on their rights. Likewise, they are unable to participate in the election of the Israeli officials serving in bodies responsible for making decisions applicable to them.


Israeli occupation is here to stay

By taking advantage of a legal framework appropriate for short-term situations, Israel has produced a state of affairs in the West Bank that has not merely disinherited, stifled and trampled human rights for nearly half a century but also reveals Israel’s sweeping, long-term objectives. While the illusion that the current situation can be carried on indefinitely grows stronger, the reality in the West Bank reinforces the permanent state of injustice which inevitably brings about daily violations of the human rights of Palestinians living under occupation. This reality cannot change unless the occupation is brought to an end”.




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“Unprecedented: A Legal Analysis of the Report of the Committee to Examine the Status of Construction in Judea and Samaria (“the Levy Committee.”)”

Yesh Din and the Emile Zola Chair for Human Rights today released a report entitled “Unprecedented: A Legal Analysis of the Report of the Committee to Examine the Status of Construction in Judea and Samaria (“the Levy Committee.”)” Written by Attorney Anu Deuel Lusky of Yesh Din’s legal team and the jurist Keren Michaeli from the Emile Zola Chair for Human Rights, the report offers a critical reading and legal analysis of the Levy Committee’s conclusions.

The Levy Committee, headed by the late Supreme Court Justice Edmund Levy, was appointed by the Netanyahu government in February 2012 following political pressure from elements in Israel interested in finding a way to provide retroactive approval for outposts constructed illegally in the West Bank.

The committee headed by Justice Levy attempted to find a juridical solution to the growing number of petitions submitted to the Supreme Court on behalf of Palestinian landowners demanding that the state enforce its laws and demolish illegal construction on private land. The report’s far-reaching conclusions claim that the laws of international occupation do not apply to the West Bank, and that legitimate legal tools exist for approving outposts constructed without permits, even if they were built on private Palestinian land.

A review of the report shows that it chose to ignore hundreds of Supreme Court rulings, dozens of decisions by United Nations bodies and international tribunals, and thousands of articles by international legal experts. All these sources show a rare consensus in the legal community regarding the status of the West Bank as occupied territory. The Levy report does not respond to familiar legal principles and, accordingly, its conclusions lack any legal foundation.

As part of the solutions proposed in its report, the Levy Committee recommends that the authorities recognize the presence of an “administrative promise” made by the government of Israel as a legal tool for approving the outposts. The report “Unprecedented” presents the conditions required for “administrative promises” and concludes that although the state encouraged and financed the establishment of the outposts, the relevant conditions were not met. Moreover, adopting the Levy report’s recommendation would gravely violate or even eliminate Palestinians’ right to property.

The Levy Committee suggests that when an outpost was established on private Palestinian land, the possibility should be considered of confiscating the land and transferring it for use by the settlers who seized it unlawfully. Adopting this recommendation would not only be perceived as legitimizing those elements that willfully broke the law, but also constitutes a dramatic departure from the basic principle in any democracy that the confiscation of private land is possible only for public purposes”.


Read Full Report Here [PDF]



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